By: Lorena Black

When we think of homelessness, we often imagine people who have fallen into hard times, struggling with job loss, mental health challenges, or housing insecurity. However, there is another kind of homeless population that does not fit this narrative. These are the vagabonds—the people who do not just end up outside of society but actively choose to live there. They are not looking for reintegration, a stable job, or a permanent home. Instead, they carve out their own paths, resisting societal norms and living on the fringes by choice.

But for many vagabonds, this choice comes at a cost. Living outside the boundaries of society makes them vulnerable to violence, police harassment, public hostility, and systemic neglect. Despite their independence, they often face abuse simply for existing in a way that challenges social norms. Understanding this abuse, as well as the deeper cultural and historical roots of vagabondage, is crucial in shifting the way we approach homelessness and human rights.

Why Live as a Vagabond?

For some, the choice to leave society is not about poverty or bad luck; it is about freedom. Modern civilization comes with rules, jobs, rent, and social expectations that do not appeal to everyone. Some vagabonds reject these pressures and find alternative ways to live. Others might feel that society has rejected them first, and instead of trying to fit back in, they choose to operate outside of it entirely.

Scott (1985) explores how marginalized people resist authority in subtle but effective ways. Vagabonds do this every day—by squatting in abandoned buildings, scavenging for food instead of buying it, or setting up temporary communities that evade law enforcement. They are not just “off the grid” in a trendy, minimalist way; they are making a statement, whether intentional or not, about their refusal to conform.

The Abuse and Violence Vagabonds Face

Rejecting society does not mean society rejects you back quietly. For vagabonds, the choice to live outside mainstream systems often makes them targets of abuse—both by institutions and by individuals who see them as a problem rather than people.

Police Harassment and Criminalization

One of the biggest threats vagabonds face is law enforcement. Many cities have strict anti-homelessness laws that make everyday survival—sleeping outside, setting up tents, or even sitting in certain public spaces—a crime. Anti-vagrancy laws have existed for centuries, dating back to colonial rule and the post-slavery era, when they were used to control and punish those who lived outside of societal norms (Scott, 1985). Today, these laws continue to push vagabonds into dangerous situations, forcing them into hiding or subjecting them to police brutality.

Scott (1985) describes how marginalized groups develop quiet but intentional resistance to oppressive systems. Many vagabonds resist police control by constantly moving, hiding their camps, or using coded networks to communicate safe spaces. But even with these strategies, the reality is that police violence against homeless populations is rampant, often going unpunished due to public indifference or outright hostility.

Public Hostility and Violence

Vagabonds do not just face systemic abuse—they also deal with violence from everyday people. Assaults on homeless individuals are shockingly common, with reports of physical attacks, harassment, and even murders. Because vagabonds are often seen as outsiders or “less than” by mainstream society, some people view them as easy targets. Hate crimes against homeless individuals are often overlooked, with perpetrators facing little to no consequences (Turnbull, 1961).

Turnbull (1961) examines how communities with different social structures—such as hunter-gatherers—often face hostility when they come into contact with more dominant groups. This idea applies to vagabonds as well. Their way of life challenges the economic and social structures that most people are accustomed to, leading to fear, misunderstanding, and aggression.

Exploitation and Systemic Neglect

Beyond physical violence, vagabonds are also at risk of exploitation. Many are targeted by predators who know they have few legal protections. Unhoused women and LGBTQ+ vagabonds, in particular, face high rates of sexual violence, often with no access to justice. Additionally, medical care is difficult to access, and many doctors dismiss or refuse to treat those without a stable address (Mauss, 1990).

Mauss (1990) explores how alternative economies based on giving and reciprocity function in many societies. Vagabonds often rely on informal networks to survive—sharing resources, food, and protection. But when these networks break down or become strained, they are left without options. Society’s neglect of them only deepens their vulnerability, reinforcing a cycle of abuse and deprivation.

A Different Kind of Community

Despite the violence they face, vagabonds do not always live in isolation. Many form small, transient communities that operate on shared resources and mutual support. This mirrors the way some indigenous and nomadic groups have lived for centuries. Turnbull (1961) details how the Mbuti, a hunter-gatherer society in Central Africa, thrive through mobility and collective care rather than rigid societal structures.

Similarly, vagabonds create their own support systems. They share knowledge about where to find food, how to evade law enforcement, and where to seek medical care when needed. While mainstream society often sees them as isolated, their social structures are just different, built on survival, trust, and the ability to move freely rather than on money and stability.

Should We Try to “Fix” Vagabonds?

Many outreach programs for the homeless focus on reintegration—helping people secure jobs, housing, and stability—but this approach assumes that every unhoused person wants the same outcome. For vagabonds, reintegration is not always the goal. They are not necessarily looking to be “rescued” or placed into conventional housing programs. What they need is support that respects their autonomy and acknowledges their way of life rather than trying to force them into a system they have consciously rejected. Instead of pushing for assimilation, cities should focus on harm reduction by decriminalizing survival activities such as sleeping in public spaces, creating designated encampments where vagabonds can live without constant displacement, expanding healthcare access through mobile clinics that do not require a fixed address, and ensuring that crimes against vagabonds are taken seriously by the legal system. These solutions recognize the reality that some individuals will always choose to live outside of mainstream society, and instead of punishing them for it, we should work toward providing protection that allows them to live with dignity and security.

Vagabonds challenge our ideas about homelessness, survival, and choice. They are not necessarily victims, nor are they criminals; they are people who have chosen a different way of living, even if it is hard for the rest of society to understand. But choosing to live outside society should not mean accepting abuse. Anthropological studies, from Mauss’s theories on alternative economies to Scott’s research on resistance, show us that there have always been people who reject mainstream systems in favor of self-sufficiency.

Instead of forcing them into rigid social structures they do not want, we should be asking, ‘How can we support them while respecting their way of life?’ Ultimately, everyone deserves safety, dignity, and the right to exist on their own terms, without judgement.

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References

Mauss, M. (1990). The gift: The form and reason for exchange in archaic societies (W. D. Halls, Trans.). W.W. Norton & Company. (Original work published 1925)

Scott, J. C. (1985). Weapons of the weak: Everyday forms of peasant resistance. Yale University Press.

Turnbull, C. M. (1961). The forest people: A study of the Pygmies of the Congo. Simon & Schuster.